In a reasonable world, if the Justice Department’s internal watchdog discovered that an FBI official who began a counterintelligence investigation into an opposition party presidential candidate days later texted his mistress to say that we would “stop” that candidate’s selection, it would result in is to take immediate action. .
At the very least, the counterintelligence investigation – currently in the hands of a special prosecutor – would be suspended pending further review of its causes and sources, and the whole sordid enterprise suddenly began to seem like the fruit of a very poisonous tree.
Washington, unfortunately, is not a reasonable world.
A few weeks ago, in the face of piercing criticism from the House of Representatives for his lack of cooperation in the investigation into the FBI’s disruption of first the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump, Rod Rosenstein declared that he would not be “forced”.
Apparently this is the word the second-in-command at the Justice Department chooses to describe his willful refusal to reveal damning evidence to a branch of the federal government balmy on the trail of his madness.
Last week, it was learned that he had threatened House staffers with criminal penalties for asking legitimate questions.
That a career specialist like Rosenstein would abuse his office to thwart an American president sent to Washington to enact reforms should surprise no one.
After all, this is Rosenstein’s world – an unreal world where James Comey can present his smurfing as brave and China can do whatever it wants on trade – which Trump has promised to destroy.
The surprise is that Rosenstein is capable of causing such damage. The biggest mystery is that Trump put it there.
In age-old epics, the greatest threats usually come from temporarily distracting the hero from his mission.
Odysseus had his sailors plug their ears with beeswax and tie it to the ship’s mast as they passed the island of the Sirens. When he heard their seductive song, he begged to be released, but the sailors tied him tighter.
You can imagine Trump at the end of an election cycle where he was scratching, clawing and crawling to an epic triumph, just wanting to rest.
Each newspaper claimed it needed to employ experienced officials in the government. He yawned and said OK, since staffing was not a priority, he would make the decisions.
The president, who opposed Washington, did not go to Ohio to find talented specialists to run his departments. Instead, he listened to the Siren’s song and appointed the usual suspects to top positions.
Rosenstein came to Trump as a package deal with the Republican establishment: “He’s your man, Mr. President.” Trump said OK, probably without thinking about it because he would be under Jeff Sessions anyway.
Sessions, however, marinated in the Washington swamps for 30 years. At the first sign of trouble, he abdicated his primary responsibility, handing Trump’s policing authority to Rosenstein.
There is historical precedent for democratic movements coming close to transforming society, but police power remaining in the hands of hostile parties.
At Yalta, President Roosevelt and Soviet Premier Stalin negotiated the aftermath of World War II. Stalin’s armies occupied Eastern Europe and most of Germany.
The talks were intended to facilitate free and fair elections in the occupied territories, which would enable the withdrawal of troops and their return home.
Stalin kept playing. He claimed that he also wanted elections and the withdrawal of Russian troops. But he insisted that these soldiers would need full police powers to keep the peace and prevent an insurgency.
Roosevelt agreed.
Eastern Europe came under Soviet domination as a result of the brutal exercise of police power. Hungarian communist leader Mátyás Rákosi vividly described how he destroyed political opponents by accusing them of fascism and “cutting them off like slices of salami.”
The lesson from Yalta was that there would be no free and fair elections if hostile, outcome-oriented forces were able to throw political opponents in prison.
Trump won the presidential election on a promise to drain the swamp. For those watching behind the marble facades of the nation’s capital, the footage of him trekking through the heart of the country must have been demanding to swallow.
If you’re someone like Robert Mueller, Peter Strzok, or James Comey – let’s throw in Rod Rosenstein – and your wealth and self-esteem are tied to your position among the swamp creatures, the last thing you want to hear is an unruly mob chanting “lock her up.”
And so the gigantic lie emerged: Trump cannot exercise police power at the Justice Department until he is investigated for stealing the election with Russia’s aid. The Swamp would exploit salami tactics against the Trump presidency.
Trump’s mistake was to appoint Washington figures to transform Washington. He’s probably already noticed this, and his recent personnel decisions have essentially avoided this mistake.
Once Trump adjusts to the situation, you can count on Swamp to exploit the discredited counterintelligence investigation to try to cut him off like a salami slice.
The Russian investigation should end when the Inspector General reveals the reluctance of its instigator. But that won’t happen.
